From ‘Howdy, Modi’ to Adios Amigo: How the Much-Vaunted Modi-Trump Friendship Imploded
- India’s strongman misread America’s strongman, whose narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) has been obvious for years, even decades.
Even those who were dismayed by Trump 1.0, let alone 2.0, couldn’t have foreseen how quickly the much-vaunted Modi-Trump friendship would implode. For Indian Americans, especially, it’s been shocking indeed to see the India-U.S. relationship unravel, considering that a rising India had been touted as an asset for the U.S. and a bulwark against China.
Experts offered other reasons as well—political, economic, cultural—to argue why the two largest democracies would continue to maintain close ties. None was a bigger factor than the bro-like bond between Modi and Trump, some claimed. And let’s not forget, they added, that Vice President JD Vance’s super-smart wife, Usha, is Indian American. What could go wrong?
Everything, apparently. So, what happened? Again, sober explanations have been shared on the airwaves, in print, and online, touching on tariffs, domestic politics, the India-Pakistan conflict, manufacturing jobs, the Russia-Ukraine war, underpriced oil, and overweening egos.
Himalayan Blunder
The last reason fascinates the most, and it’s worth asking if Modi—and, by extension, India—made a Himalayan blunder. How could India’s strongman have misread America’s strongman, whose narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) has been obvious for years, even decades?
David Remnick, editor of The New Yorker, writes, “Trump made it plain that his delight in domination was the immutable core of him.” This was when Trump was still in military school!
By denying the adulation and acknowledgment Trump craves—which European leaders have been eager to provide, though insincerely—Modi seems to have stumbled. Will Europe’s leaders pay a price for kowtowing to Trump? They could, because it’s never easy to appease a mercurial strongman like Trump. But it’s also true that these practical-minded leaders, who act after careful deliberation, are not egotistical like strongmen Modi, Trump, Putin, Xi, and Erdoğan.
Did Pakistan outplay India by nominating Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize? However ridiculous or cynical the nomination sounds, it didn’t cost the Pakistanis anything.
Barring exceptions like Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, European leaders are not surrounded by yes-men and -women who are afraid to offer unwelcome advice to the Dear Leader. These leaders are much less likely to be living in a bubble—and they don’t overstay in office, even when there are no term limits. Actually, restricting a premier or president to two terms would be healthy for any democracy. Modi, now in his third term, seems to have lost his mojo.
To be fair, Modi’s hands were tied. Giving any credit to Trump for ending the hostilities between India and Pakistan would have backfired domestically and caused problems for his government. It would have dented his image, not to mention his self-image. Still, it’s worth asking if Modi could have handled the situation more deftly, even if Trump played no meaningful role in the diplomatic initiative, as India has insisted.
Just ask Canada
By doubling down, in the face of Trump’s repeated claims that he was instrumental in bringing peace to the subcontinent, and by sending high-level PR delegations to the U.S. and other countries, India angered Trump. If anything is clear by now, it’s that Trump 2.0 is confrontational, vengeful, reckless, and won’t hesitate to bully even close allies. Just ask Canada.
Would it have been a better strategy to mollify Trump rather than contradict him? Probably, at least in the short term. The U.S., for instance, wouldn’t have objected to India’s desire for cheap Russian oil if Modi hadn’t snubbed Trump. China still faces no blowback from the U.S. for purchasing discounted Russian oil—which goes to show that Trump 2.0’s decision to punish India has little to do with imposing sanctions on Russia.
Did Pakistan outplay India by nominating Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize? However ridiculous or cynical the nomination sounds, it didn’t cost the Pakistanis anything. Meanwhile, a wounded India is seeking closer ties with reviled, entrenched dictators like Putin and Xi.
If a backroom deal, as rumored, brought the U.S. and Pakistan closer, while pushing India away, it shouldn’t be surprising. Every transaction is a business transaction for Trump, and as the song from the musical “Cabaret” puts it, “Money makes the world go around.”
The India-Pakistan episode imparts a harsh lesson to leaders like Modi: strongmen, too, are stuck in a pecking order. Some could view this with grim satisfaction. And they may call it déjà vu, for India’s BJP-led government—with its own autocratic approach—has managed to alienate large numbers of minorities, whether the issue is religion or citizenship or language.
Like the “Namaste Trump” rally in Ahmedabad, the “Howdy, Modi!” event in Houston was held during Trump 1.0. Both events, meant to cement the India-U.S. partnership, seem distant now. The relationship is in tatters, although—given Trump’s unpredictability—it’s too early to know if the damage is temporary or long-lasting. The full impact of Trump’s tariffs on India could cause a backlash against the U.S., helping Modi. Or it could hurt him.
At present we’re caught up in the twists and turns, as well as high emotions, of a fast-moving drama whose ending we can’t predict. ∎
Murali Kamma is the managing editor of Khabar, an Indian-American magazine based in Atlanta, and a contributor to The Quint. His debut book, “Not Native: Short Stories of Immigrant Life in an In-Between World,” won an Independent Publisher Book Award.